The Commons of Argyll

2015 marks the 330th anniversary of my Campbells in America.

Joel Campbell, the subject of this blog, descended from Robert Campbell who arrived in Perth Amboy, New Jersey in December of 1685.  Robert was Joel's grandfather.

Earlier in 1685, Robert Campbell had been part of a rebel army in Scotland.  He was joined by his father and two brothers.  They were all captured, imprisoned, and banished from Scotland.

In the Inveraray Sheriff Court Records is a thirty-three page list of names of the rebels from the shires of Argyll and Tarbet.  "It is neither signed nor dated, but it appears to have been drawn upon for the list of rebels forfeited on the 12th October 1685 which is given on pages 18 to 22."

The small town of Inveraray was the center of Clan Campbell.  The clan leader had his main castle there, as he does even today.  It sits in the shire of Argyll.

Duncan MacTavish transcribed these court records in 1935 and published them as The Commons of Argyll.  The title comes from the proclamation of the occupying general, John Murray, Marquess of Atholl.

June 1685
"Whereas we are informed that many of the commons of thes two shyres of Argyll and Tarbet have been forced and prest by the rebells to joyne with them    Therefore by vertew of our Commission of Livtennentrie we doe hereby grant protection for ther lives goods and gear to all such commons Provydeing alwayes that they come in and lay down arms and compear befor us or befor the governor of Inverarey or any other governor or governors of garisons to be by us appoynted and hereby impowered to give protections to such personse  They always taking the benefit of this indemnitie Betwixt and the twentie day of this moneth of Juny  And to the effect that they may not pretend ignorance   We hereby recommend to the ministers of the rexive paroaches of thes two Shyres schoolmrs or readers in ther absence or to any oyr loyall persons within the same who can read to make publict intimatne hereof on the nixt Lord's day after these come to ther hands after Divine Service  And that they return cerificates yrof under ther hands to our Sherif deput."
--ATHOLL

Many of the "commons" or tenant farmers in these shires had been "prest" or forced against their will to join the rebel army.  Robert Campbell testified that he indeed was "prest" along with his father and brothers.

The only reference to them in The Commons of Argyll is on page thirteen where the rebels of the "Kilmeden or Glendaruell paroch" are listed.

"Kildalvine - Archibald Campbell and three sons all banished furth of the kingdome"

Their laird and master is listed separately as "Kildolvein - John Campbell of Kildolveine." [MacTavish states that items in italics were entered in the original list by a different hand.]

In rereading The Commons of Argyll a few observations can be made which may or may not be significant regarding Robert Campbell and his family.

1.  The entry for Archibald and his three sons (one of which was Robert) states they were banished.  Out of the hundreds of names in this list only one other had the "banished" notation.  However, we know from the Privy records that hundreds of rebels were banished.  Is this record inaccurate?  Or were the banished rebels mostly from shires other than Argyll and Tarbet?  It seems unlikely as these shires were the ones where Argyll recruited most heavily for his rebel army.

2.  The sons of Archibald are not list separately by name.  This is very unique in the list. In fact, only one other record in the entire list does not include the proper name of the rebel (p. 14 "his boy").  Were the sons' names unknown to the list maker?  Could they have been the only rebels from Argyllshire imprisoned outside of Inveraray (and hence did not "compear" in person before the governor in Inveraray)?  It seems a bit odd.

3. Many of the names have the word "prest" written after them.  This word was always entered in a "different hand."  Did this indicate a judgment as to whether they were truly forced into the rebel army?  For the parish of Kilmodan, the home of Archibald and his sons, nine of sixty-one names were tagged with the "prest" designation.  Did this mean that even though Archibald and his sons said they were forced into service (according to their depositions in the Privy Council Record), that the "courts" determined they were not "prest"?

4.  We know two of the names of Archibald's sons from the Privy Council Records:  John and Robert.  How common were these?  Was the Robert Campbell banished on the Henry & Francis the same Robert Campbell from Kildalvan?  There were at least two Robert Campbells in prison at the time the Henry & Francis sailed.  Luckily, "Robert" was not that common of a name.  Four other Roberts are listed in The Commons of Argyll and there is no indication they were imprisoned or banished.  [Robert Campbell of Orchard; Robert Campbell in Uig, Parish of Kilmun; Robert Campbell in Leckimor; Robert Campbell in Catteltoun.]

"John", however, was a very common name.  There are thirty-three "John Campbells" in The Commons of Argyll.  Tracking a "John" Campbell would be very difficult.

Robert Campbell's name appears on several occasions in the Privy Council Records in close proximity to a David Campbell.  It has been postulated that David was the third brother.  A David Campbell is on one of the Henry & Francis passenger lists.  Duncan Beaton (Campbell Genealogist) says that David Campbell is known to be from Falkirk, not Argyll.  Interestingly, there is no "David Campbell" listed in The Commons of Argyll.

1685 - The Henry and Francis

[This is part of  a series of articles on the year 1685.  You might want to read the Overview first.]

December 1685

This is the date on which the ship Henry and Francis with its cargo of banished Highlanders landed in Perth Amboy, New Jersey.

1685 was a disastrous year for Presbyterians, Covenanters, and Campbells.  King James II had set himself up as head of the church, required all to take an oath recognizing him as such, and persecuted any dissenters.   The head of Clan Campbell had been executed.  His heir was in hiding and many other prominent Campbells were again self exiled in Holland.  Many Covenanters, who only recognized Christ as the head of their church, were also in hiding or self-exiled.

The disastrous journey of the ship, Henry and Francis, from Leith, Scotland to Perth Amboy, New Jersey was in keeping with the theme of 1685.  The fateful voyage of over fourteen weeks included sickness, death, storms, cruelties by crew perpetrated on the passengers, leaks, and an attempted kidnapping foiled only by the weather gods.

The records of this voyage are amazingly good for a 17th century adventure.  This is largely due to the prolific yet overzealous historian, Robert Wodrow, whom I will let tell the majority of the story later. [Parts of his version have been refuted.  See Whitehead in the Bibliography.]

The Henry and Francis was ship of three hundred and fifty tons with twenty great guns.  Perhaps it was a "barque" as shown in this 1798 painting of the Leith Harbor?

Leith Harbor in 1798

The boat had been chartered out of  Newcastle by George Scot of Pitlochie with Richard Hutton as its Captain.  Its 125 passengers were made up of prisoners, paying customers, crew, and Scot's family. It is likely that the prisoners varied in background from rebels forced into service against their will, to over-principled Presbyterians who refused to take the oath, to vandals and thieves.   It was likely not as bad as the editor of the Privy Council Register stated when he observed Scot's ship in the harbor as “being about to sail for East New Jersey with a cargo of criminals, wastrels, and malcontents...”

We do know that Scot had been planning this voyage for awhile (unlike Lord Neil Campbell) and had been actively recruiting prisoners with the desired skills for his passenger list.  We also know that a Robert Campbell from Canongate Tolbooth had been assigned to Scot's care by the Privy Council.  This Robert was the grandfather of the subject of this blog, JoelCampbell1735.

When the ship arrived in Perth Amboy in December 1685, thirty one (~60 according to other accounts?) of the 125 passengers were dead, including Scot and his family.  The remaining 94 survivors were likely not in good health as they came ashore in a new land to start a new life.  So ended 1685.

This link contains a nicely organized list of passengers.

Most accounts of the journey are taken from Wodrow's book, but Woodrow is seldom produced in its entirety (probably because it is very long).   I have reproduced it here.

An account of the ship Henry and Francis as recorded by Wodrow, Robert, A History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland…Volume IV, p. 331, Chapter IX Section XII , Blackie & Son, Glasgow, 1833. (archive.org)

"Having in the former section given the history of the sufferings of these good people who were taken to Dunnottor this summer, I am now to follow a good many of them to America.  Argyle's invasion being now over, and no more fears from that airt, the council began to weary of the prisoners at Dunnotter, and brought them back to Leith, as we have seen, where another essay was made to bring them to comply with the impositions now put on people in their circumstances; and upon their refusal, they resolved to send good numbers of them to the plantations, and so rid themselves of any more trouble about them. Accordingly, after near three months' severe treatment at Dunnotter, they come to Leith, two of them were left behind as dying men, of which Quintin Dick, so frequently mentioned, was one, and in his remarks formerly cited, he hath some sweet observations upon providence timeing his sickness at this juncture. He recovered in some time, and was overlooked, and got safe home to his own house, and lived some years to reflect with pleasure, and record the Lord's wonderful steps of kindness to him, and his goodness under, and after all those sore troubles he underwent. Not a few who were in the great vault were sick, and allowed horses upon their own charges. The Reverend Mr Frazer was very infirm and weak, and yet the captain by no means would permit him to have the benefit of a hired horse, as several others had. The foot had sixty-six miles to travel, and their hands tied behind their back with small cords. From Dunnotter they were carried to Montrose tolbooth the first night, from thence to Arbroath, from thence to Dundee, from thence, upon the Sabbath, to the Cowpar of Fife, from thence to  Burntisland, and thence to Leith.

The council were pleased to come down to Leith, and sit in the tolbooth there, and spent some time in the re-examination of the prisoners. It was but very few complied with their impositions, and they were dismissed. Others, who were very weakly, and had some friends to intercede, got off upon a bond of compearance when called, as Mr William McMillan, who gave bond as above, under the penalty of five thousand merks. The most part of them refusing the oaths, and to satisfy in other particulars, were perpetually banished to America, and many of them were gifted to the laird of Pitlochy, to be carried thither. William Hannah, formerly mentioned, in the parish of Tunnergarth, when brought before the lords, and refusing the oath of allegiance with the supremacy, was threatened with banishment. He told them, that he was now too old to work, or go to war, and he reckoned he would be useless there. Old general Dalziel took him up very bitterly, and replied, he was not too old then to be hanged, and he would hang well enough. That same day, as my information bears, August 22d, the general died suddenly, and William's age and sickness prevented his being carried away with the rest. In a few weeks he fell very ill in prison, and appearing to be in a dying condition, he was liberate, and got home, after very hard sufferings for three years and more.

The names of as many as are come to my hand, who were banished, shall be insert just now. Let me only remark, that such who had not to pay their freight, were gifted to George Scot laird of Pitlochy, who freighted a Newcastle ship, Richard Hutton master, bound for New-Jersey; and all the persons now banished were committed to his care. I cannot give an account of all the names of such as were banished with Pitlochy ; the reader hath not a few of them above, section 4th. Several of their testimonies and letters they wrote to their friends toward the end of August are before me; and particularly an original letter, from about twenty-eight of them, dated Leith Road, August 28th, 1685, directed to their friends, too long to be here insert. ln short they signify, "That now being to leave their own native and covenanted land by an unjust sentence of banishment, for owning- truth, and holding by duty, and studying to keep by their covenant engagements and baptismal vows, whereby they stand obliged to resist, and testify against all that is contrary to the word of God and their covenants ; and that their sentence of banishment ran chiefly because they refused the oath of allegiance, which in conscience they could not take, because in so doing, they thought they utterly declined the Lord Jesus Christ from having any power in his own house, and practically would, by taking it, say he was not King and head of his church, and over their consciences ; and on the contrary', this was to take and put in his room a man whose breath is in his nostrils, yea, a man that is a sworn enemy to religion, an avowed papist, whom by our covenants we are bound to withstand, and disown, and that agreeably to the scripture, Deut. xvii. 14, 15." They go on to leave their testimony against the evils of the times, and for the preaching of the gospel in the fields and houses, and sign as follows.

"John Kincaid, George Muir, George Johnston, Robert Young, Thomas Jackson, Andrew Paterson, John Harvey, John Foord, Christopher Strang, William Spreul, Peter Russel, Robert McEwen, John Henderson, John Seton, John Gilfillan, Charles Honyall, James Grierson, James Forsyth, Walter McIgne, John McGhie, Adam Howie, James Muirhead, Annabel Gordon, Margaret Leslie, Agnes Steven, Margaret Forrest, Jean Moffat, Annabel Jackson." 

Besides those I have before me letters of John Arbuckle, .John McQueen, a letter signed I. D. and K. G. and another signed Janet Symington, all of them banished at this time, with many others whose names are not come to me; we shall just now find some of them among those who died at sea in the voyage. In the same ship likewise were Mr John Frazer, and that excellent gentleman Robert McLellan of Barmagechan, of whom more just now, William Niven in Pollockshaws, with a good many others who had endured Dunnotter cruelties. And it is mostly from Mr Frazer and Barmagcchan's account of this voyage, that I am to frame the following narrative of it. 

Several others were likewise in the vessel, who retired from their native country to settle in America, as the reverend Mr Archibald Riddel, whom we had in the former part of this history, and his wife, and several of the relations of such who went over.

The prisoners lay some time in the road of Leith, before all was ready, and sailed the 5th of September. Informations before me bear, that Pitlochy tampered with some of them, particularly James Forsyth, to get money before they sailed, offering for five pounds sterling paid now, to set him at liberty as soon as they came to land. But James answered, he would give him no money to carry him out of his native land, adding he had done nothing worthy of banishment. 

After they had turned the land-end, the fever began to rage in the ship, especially among such who had been in the great vault of Dunnotter. Not a few of them were sick when they came aboard, and no wonder, considering the barbarous treatment they had met with ; besides, much of the flesh which the captain of the ship had provided for the prisoners began to stink before they sailed out of Leith road, and in a few days it was not eatable.

In a month's time the fever turned malignant, and few or none in the ship escaped it ; in so much that it was usual to cast over board three or four dead bodies in one day. Most of the ship's crew, except the captain and boat-swain, died. Pitlochie who had freighted the ship, with his excellent lady, died likewise, and so enjoyed nothing of the produce of near a hundred prisoners gifted him by the council; and near seventy persons died at sea. 

I have before me a list of the passengers and prisoners who died at sea. It concerns the design of this history only to record the names of the prisoners, and they are as follows ; Thomas Graham, Gilbert Monorgan, John Smith, William Cunningham, John Muirhead, Thomas Jackson, Kathrine Kellie, Andrew McLellan, Thomas Russel, John Hodge, Thomas Gray, John Ramn, John Swinton, John Kippen, William Sprat, James Wardrope, John McKenman, Thomas Finlater, John Hutchison of Wardlaw, William McMillan, Agnes Cohalh, John Kirkland."

Perhaps several of the passengers might be likewise sufferers, but able to pay their freights ; but I have not set them down, for shortness. I find further in the list, Mr John Vernor and his wife, Pitlochy and his lady, and the lady Aitherny, Mrs Riddel, Mrs Eupham Rigg lady Aitherny's daughter, William Rigg, her son, Mr William Ged, and Mr William Aisdale, minister. 

Notwithstanding of this raging sickness, and great death, much severity was used toward the prisoners at sea, by the master of the ship and others : those under deck were not allowed to go about worship by themselves, and when they essayed it, the captain would throw down great planks of timber upon them to disturb them, and sometimes to the danger of their lives. We have heard of the badness of their provisions already.

Many were the disasters of this voyage. The ship was at the utmost hazard by the breaking up of a leak at two several times. They had several calms, and some pretty severe storms. The captain, after Pitlochy's death, began to tamper with Mr Johnston his son-in-law, who now had the disposal of the prisoners ; and it was projected to carry  them into Jamaica or Virginia, and the master offered to take all the prisoners there from him, and pay him in bulk. It was urged for this, that the markets were much better there for servants than at New Jersey. When they are thus treating, and near an issue, very much for the advantage of the passengers and prisoners, the wind turns straight for New Jersey, and they were forced to sail with it. There they arrived about the middle of December, after they had been about fifteen weeks at sea. At their landing many of them were sick ; and Mr Frazer observes, that a worthy gentleman from the west of Scotland died among their hands as they were carrying him ashore. The same person observes, that " partly of such who voluntarily offered themselves to go abroad from the kingdom of Scotland, and partly of such who were persecuted by banishment, there were upwards of 60 died at sea, whose blood (adds he) will be found in the skirts of enemies, as really, as if they had died at the cross and Grass-market of Edinburgh."

Before the prisoners came ashore, it was once intended byMr Johnston, to whom Pitlochy had made them over, to stop their getting out of the ship, till they should all of them, under their hand, sign a voluntary declaration, as it was called, that they offered four years' service at that place. But this they would not yield unto ; yea, a considerable number of them joined in a protestation against their banishment, with a large narrative of the hardships they endured during their voyage, and formerly, for conscience sake.

When the prisoners came ashore, the people who lived on the coast-side, and had not the gospel settled among them, were harsh enough to them, and showed them no kindness. A little way up the country there was a town where there was a minister settled, and the inhabitants there were very kind to them. When they had information of the prisoners' circumstances, they invited all who were able to travel, to come and live with them, and sent horses for such as were not, and entertained them that winter freely, and with much kindness. In the following spring, Mr Johnston, upon his father-in-law's gift of the  prisoners, pursued them, and got them all cited before the court of that province. After hearing both sides, the governor called a jury to sit and cognosce upon the affair. They found that the pannels had not of their own accord come to that ship, nor bargained with Pitlochy for money or service, and therefore, according to the laws of the country, they were assoiled; upon which most of the prisoners retired to New England, where they were very kindly entertained, and employed according to their different stations and capacities. Pitlochy proposed to be enriched by the prisoners, and yet he and his lady died at sea in the voyage. He sold what remained of the estate to pay the freight, and much of the money remaining was spent upon the law-suit in New Jersey. Thus it appears to be but a hazardous venture to make merchandise of the suffering people of God. 

A good many of the passengers and prisoners died in the plantations, the rest returned to their native country at the happy revolution,—Mr Riddel, William Nivenand others, and particularly the laird of Barmagechan, of whose sufferings I come now to give a more particular account from a narrative I have from his nearest relations.

Robert McLellan of Barmagechan, in the parish of Borg, and stewartry of Kirkcudbright, was born of parents who were presbyterian, and carefully educated in the principles of the church of Scotland. In his younger years he profited much under the ministry of that excellent person Mr Adam Kay minister at Borg. After he was forcibly removed from them, and a curate obtruded, Mr McLellan, with the godly and religious people in that parish, found it their duty to disown the episcopal minister, as neither called of God to the place, nor invited by them. Great was the oppression of all that country as hath been noticed, for their faithful adherence to presbyterian ministers, and Barmagechan had his own share. In February 1666, Sir James Turner sent a party of soldiers to his house, and there they lived at discretion, till he paid the exorbitant sums of money Sir James was pleased to demand for his nonconformity. After they had eaten up what he had, and destroyed much of his plenishing, and taken away what they could not destroy, and were still coming back in parties, Mr McLellan was advised to go and wait upon Sir James, and seek an order for removing his soldiers. Sir James, instead of this, seized his person, and confined him in his court of guard, till he should pay his fines for nonconformity, and the cess likewise imposed at this time for maintaining the army. Here Barmagechan continued some time, till the soldiers, having no more subsistence about his house, were removed ; and they were next sent to that of his mother-in-law, a worthy old  gentlewoman, till she should pay her fines for nonconformity, and her share of the cess.

All this time. Sir James had not let him know what sum he would take for his fine ; at length, after his house and goods had been destroyed, he liquidated the fine to six hundred merks, and sent a party of horse to quarter upon him, and ordered him to pay to each of them two shilling sterling a day, as long as they lay upon him, which was till he paid his fine. This heavy oppression put Mr McLellan to rise with others of his neighbours, against Sir James, and he was with that party who were defeat at Pentland; after which he fled to England, and lived privately four years. His estate was forfeited, and a friend of his compounded the forfeiture for two thousand merks, which he paid. 

The severities of the government slackening a little, he returned to his own house, and lived privately for some years. Yet not so privately, but the curate and others about knew he was there ; and because now and then he went and heard presbyterian ministers, the soldiers were hounded out upon him, and he was sadly harassed for several years, so that he scarce had any liberty to live at his own house.

He joined again, with others in his circumstances, at Bothwell rising, after which he retired a second time into England, and was a second time forfeited, as we have heard. The violences done to his family and friends about this time, were many and inexpressible. Claverhouse came with a party to his house, and after he had seized the corns and cattle, he was going to take away all his moveables, but a composition was made, and a hundred pounds paid him. The lady Nithsdale, a bigotted papist, got a gift of his forfeiture, as likewise of many others in that country, and miserably oppressed his tenants, drove their cattle, and exacted much more than their rent. His family was thus scattered, and he upon his hiding in England, where, towards the end of the year 1684, Squire Dacres seized him, with several other Scotsmen lurking thereabout, and sent them prisoners to Dumfries. 

Mr McLellan never disowned the king's authority, as several about this time did, yet was as harshly dealt by as any of them. He was close confined in the castle of Dumfries, and laid in the irons for several days. From thence he was carried to Leith with the rest of the prisoners, and in a little time brought up to Edinburgh, and put in close prison, with fetters on his arms. Thus he continued from November till May this year, when he was sent to Dunnotter, and had his share of the severities of that place.

When they came hack to Leith, he was banished to America, and three of his children went with hm in Pitlochy's ship. His wife, with three other children, were left in Scotland upon the care of providence. It pleased the Lord to preserve him and his three children in the voyage. He himself was extremely weakened by sickness, and behoved to be carried in men's arms out of the ship, when they landed. However, in a little time after he was ashore, his health returned, and he with his family set up in a plantation at Woodbridge in New Jersey, which he purchased. In this place he had the advantage which he very much valued, of having the gospel preached to him and his family, by Mr Archibald Riddel, who stayed with him at Newbridge, having a call from the congregation there, as likewise from Long-island, where he might have had a far greater encouragement; but Mr Riddel chose Woodbridge, and it was well he did so, otherwise probably he had scarce returned to Britain, where all his losses were made up, and he and his four children were in better circumstances than he had conformed to prelacy. There Barmagechan continued from December this year till June 1689, when they had accounts of the comfortable turn of affairs in Britain ; upon which he resolved to return to his native country."

1685 - Epilogue and Bibliography

[This is part of  a series of articles on the year 1685.  You might want to read the Overview first.]

I hope you have enjoyed reading about the tumultuous year of 1685 in Scotland.  The times may be even more relevant to you if you are of Campbell ancestry.  If you are not a descendant of Joel Campbell, I hope the reading was still entertaining despite my numerous references to Joel's grandfather, Robert in Kildalvan.

In truth, it is likely many Americans have a wee bit of Highlander blood in them and are not aware of it.  The Highland Scots were some of the earliest emigrants, intermarried quickly, and produced large families.  I calculate that Robert, who emigrated in this banner year of 1685, has a quarter million living descendants in America through Joel alone.

Here is a partial bibliography of the sources I used for the 1685 series of blog posts.  Some of my material was directly from signage at heritage sites in Scotland that I visited in 2014.  The Historic Scotland sites are well researched and have great signage.  Ditto for the National Trust of Scotland.

A majority of the pictures are from a 2014 trip arranged by the Education Foundation of the Clan Campbell Society of North America.  I had no idea that the itinerary would include so many sites related to 1685.

I am also indebted to google maps, to which I have linked on many of the pages.

The on-line historic works available at Archive.org, Google Books, and the HathiTrust have saved me enormous time and expense.

Major Sources

Campbell, Alastair of Airds, A History of Clan Campbell, Vol. III, The University Press, Cambridge, 2004.

Cassell, John, Illustrated History of England, New and Revised Edition, Volume III, From the Accession of James I to the Revolution of 1688, Cassell, Petter, and Galpin, London.

Erskine, John,Journal of the Hon. John Erskine of Carnock, University Press for the Scottish Historical Society, Edinburgh, 1893 (at google books)

Goodwin, Robert, Campbell Genealogy Webpages, http://pubah.tribalpages.com/tribe/browse?userid=pubah&view=9&rand=624222680. (accessed on 2014_11_02)

Irving, Joseph, The Book of Dumbartonshire, A History of the County, Burghs, Parishes, and Lands, Memoirs of Families, Vol II Parishes, W. and A.K. Johnston, Edinburgh, 1879.  (google books)

Lindsay, Alexander (Earl of Crawford), A Memoir of Lady Anna Mackenzie, Edmoston and DouglasEdinburgh, 1868. (google books)

McGrigor, Mary, Anna, Countess of the Covenant, Birlinn Limited, Edinburgh, 2008.

Murray, John , Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families Volume I, Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh, 1908.  (archive.org)

Register of Privy Council of Scotland.   Available at NYPL (New York Public Library)

Terry, Charles Sanford, John Graham of Claverhouse, Archibald Constable and Company, London, 1905. (archive.org)

Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland Websites, http://www.rcahms.gov.uk/

Whitehead, William A., Early History of Perth Amboy, D. Appleton & Company, New York, 1856,
Willcock, John, A Scots Earl in Covenanting Times, Oliphant Anderson & Ferrier, Edinburgh, 1907. (google books)

Wodrow, Robert, A History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland…Volume IV, Blackie & Son, Glasgow, 1833. (archive.org)

1685 - Dunstaffnage Castle

[This is part of  a series of articles on the year 1685.  You might want to read the Overview first.]

July 15, 1685

Built originally in the 13th century, this coastal castle was used by the Kings of Scots to control the isles and seaboard.  By the 14th century the castle fell into the hands of the Campbells and has remained ever since.

Dunstaffnage Ruins

Map

The castle was garrisoned by a hereditary Captain.  In 1667 the 9th Earl of Argyll granted a disposition to the then 10th Captain which contained his duties including the following:

"holding our said Castell of Dunstaffneis and ever keeping and holding therein six able and decent men with armour and arms sufficient for warr and keeping of the said Castell. And one sufficient portar and watch at least extending in the haill to Eight persones in tyme of peace.  And if warr shall happin to fall out in these parts... we and our aires shall be holden... to be at the halff of the expense... for the keeping and sure detaining of the said castell over and above the saides eight persones to be keeped therein... Moreover, the said Archibald Campbell and his aires... shall be obleist to make our said Castell patent and open to us and our foresaids at all tymes whensoever they are requyred thereto, As also to furnish to us, our aires and successors foresaids yeerlie peats or aldin for chambers, kithchine, bakehouse, and brewhouse and for the hall alss oft and sua oft as we or our aires shall happin to be ther.  And sicklyk the said Archibald Campbell and his aires foresaids be astricted, bund and obliged to sufficientle uphold and maintaine the haill house and buildings of our said castell of Dunstaffneis in the samen condition... as the said Archibald Campbell does presentlie..."

Sometime between May 13 and 17 of 1685 Charles Campbell, son of the 9th Earl of Argyll, was dropped by ship at Dunstaffnage.  His mission was to recruit for the rebel army.  "He returned with the report that many of the chiefs had fled or were in prison, and the rest afraid to move."  (Cassell) By May 20th the rebel army was sailing south along the Kintyre peninsula.

Word of the landing at Dunstaffnage had traveled quickly to the east.  On May 20th the Earl of Breadalbane (a Campbell) at Castle Glenorchy sent a note to the Commander of the King's army in the Highlands, the Marquis of Atholl. He wrote that he sent a party of his men to Dunstaffnage, but they returned.  "The Lady came out & told shee was to deliver it [the castle] to Brolos [a McLean?] so soon as he cam for it ..", the truth of which Breadalbane seemed to doubt. (p. 202 Atholl Chronicles Vol 1)

A few days later on May 23 from Kilchurn Castle Breadalbane wrote again.   "I wish the pairty I sent to Dunstafnage succeed..."  (p. 208 Atholl)  Presumably the Earl of Breadalbane sent a second party to secure the castle.  Perhaps at this point it was controlled by the King's men, but not yet destroyed?

On July 11 of 1685 Stuart of Ballechin, an officer in Atholl's army, wrote a note from Inveraray.   He reported that he wrote to the McLeans or whoever was in command of Dunstaffnage that they should deliver the castle to Lochnell (a Campbell) "to be demolished and brunt."  He mentioned that the Campbells would destroy all of the cattle in the area under the pretense of keeping "that house."  He opined that the house was of no use to the forces in providing safety to the surrounding country, so he suggested that the ammunition be removed and the house given to "the Ladie."  (p. 257 Atholl)

Three days later on July 14, Campbell of Lochnell sent a letter to Stuart of Ballechin. In it he confirmed that he went to Dunstaffnage on receipt of Stuart's letter.  He wrote that he expected to see Airdgower (a McLean?) this night "and I shall yn[then] follow my ordors..." (to demolish and burn?) (p. 258 Atholl)

I have found no primary witness of the burning and destruction of Dunstaffnage, but secondary affirmations abound that it was "burned out by the Marquis of Atholl after the rising collapsed."  I have approximated that occurrence to this date of about July 15, 1685.

The castle was rebuilt, but shortly after was abandoned save a small section for the hereditary Captains.  A small section is habitable to this date.

Inner Hall

Hereditary Captains Quarters

View from tower.  Bay in background.

Built on a rock.

1685 - John Campbell - Grandson of the 9th Earl Falls out of a Window

[This is part of  a series of articles on the year 1685.  You might want to read the Overview first.]

June 20, 1685

On this date a young child fell out of a third story window and survived.  This good fortune was viewed as a positive omen for the future of a family that had seen so much recent travesty.

The child was John Campbell, son of Archibald Campbell, Lord Lorne (in hiding), and grandson of Archibald Campbell, 9th Earl of Argyll (in prison to be executed in 10 days).

John Campbell would become one of the most respected men of his day.  He excelled both on the battlefield and in the government.  His titles included 2nd Duke of Argyll, 1st Duke of Greenwich, Field Marshall, and Master-General of the Ordnance.

John, 2nd Duke of Argyll with his father and younger brother

Alexander Pope threw him a few lines in his epic "An Essay on Man":

"Argyll, the state’s whole thunder born to wield,
And shake alike the senate and the field:"

John Campbell, 2nd Duke of Argyll

1685 - The Legendary Escape of Lord Lorne - Eldest Son of the 9th Earl of Argyll

[This is part of  a series of articles on the year 1685.  You might want to read the Overview first.]

May 1685

The story of the escape of Lord Lorne, eldest son of the 9th Earl, from the hands of Atholl's men is somewhat of a legend.

Alastair Campbell (A History of Clan Campbell Vol III p. 37) has it occurring in 1684 when Atholl's forces invested Inveraray Castle in August and took many of the leading Campbells as prisoners. They seized the Campbell Charter Chest and Papers and sent them to the Secret Committee in Edinburgh. It seems a logical time for the Campbell heir to have fled, but Atholl's forces left the area for the winter of 1685, so if Lord Lorne did flee in 1684, he might have returned shortly thereafter.

It fits the theme of this series that the legendary escape really occurred in 1685 when Atholl returned in May of that year and retook the Campbell fortress at Inveraray.  But you can do your own research on the timing of this story.  Facts may not be that important when telling a story that has been liberally embellished over the years.

An extremely short version of the story is that Lord Lorne fled by himself from the invested Castle up Glenshira.  Glenshira is the valley of the river Shira which flows into Loch Fyne at a little bay about one mile northeast of Inveraray Castle.

Atholl's men scoured the area daily for signs of the heir to the exiled 9th Earl.  Legend is that Lorne was hiding "at the head of Glenshira, in a crevice in the face of the rock called the White Rock, above Stuchgoy."

While in hiding he was fed by loyal locals, including Archie Monro.  With all of the plundering by the invading army, food was scarce.  One day Lorne was spotted as he ventured out to the fields of barley to satisfy his hunger.  Later that night the forces of Atholl surrounded his hiding place and called for him to surrender.  He leaped off of the rock, over the precipice, and into an oak tree which he descended to his escape.  He exchanged his clothes for a woman's disguise at Monro's house and headed up the glen while Monro, dressed in the Lord's cape, decoyed the pursuing men of Atholl.

For his troubles, the future Duke promised Monro rent of only a "firlot of oats" for all of his descendants should he return to Argyll and recover his lands.

I encourage you to read a more detailed account by the 9th Duke of Argyll, John Campbell, who did much to preserve Campbell history (and legend) in his book Adventures in Legend, Being the Last Historic Legends of the Western Highlands.

Lord Lorne's escape led him next to Loch Fyne side to find the trustworthy MacArthur of Dunure, who had assisted his father in his escape from imprisonment in Edinburgh (another disguise in women's clothes).  From there the two of them worked their way to the west and eventually to the Isle of the Druids (Iona) then to safety in Holland.

Lord Lorne, now 10th Earl of Argyll, soon to be 1st Duke of Argyll and sons (future 2nd and 3rd Dukes)

1685 - Lord Neil Campbell - Younger Brother of the 9th Earl - Settler of New Jersey

[This is part of  a series of articles on the year 1685.  You might want to read the Overview first.]

August 13, 1685

On this date Lord Neil Campbell purchased "one quarter of one twenty-forth share in East New Jersey" with intentions of relocating.

His family was so unpopular with the ruling class in Scotland that many were self-exiled in Holland. Lord Neil himself had been arrested in 1684 and ordered to remain within six miles of Edinburgh.

In May 1685, Lord Neil Campbell was arrested again for no other reason than he was the brother of Archibald Campbell, 9th Earl of Argyll, who was reportedly enroute from the Netherlands with an army of rebels.  Lord Neil was shortly thereafter released when he promised to swear allegiance to the King and convince his other clansmen to do the same.

As discussed in other blog entries, the rebellion fizzled, the leader was executed, Campbell lands were forfeited, and many of the co-conspirators were to be banished.

Neil was very certainly in competition with other entrepreneurial noblemen for the rights to "help" with this "banishment."   The "banished" were a plentiful source of indentured-servant-candidates for his visionary plantations in New Jersey.  Just as Scot of Pitlochie had negotiated with a few prisoners with desirable skills, Lord Neil likely did the same.  And very likely Scot and Lord Neil negotiated with each other.

The Register of the Privy Council of Scotland names several of the gentlemen in the business of transporting the banished.  It often names their assigned prisoners.  However, no mention is made of Lord Neil.  It is supposed that he sailed about the same time as Scot and arrived in New Jersey at about the same time.  In fact their voyages so overlap that there is confusion about who came with whom.

For example, "A list of persons imported by Lord Neil Campbell..." from Berthold Fernow, Calendar of records in the office of the secretary of state. 1614-1703 contains many names that overlap with the passengers of Scot of Pitlochie.

"He himself, Archibald Campbell, David Symson, Janet Thomson, Dougald and Adam Symson, John, James, Archibald and Orsella Graige, Bessie Pollocke, John and Grissell Hog, Bessie Richardson, James and Sicelhx Senzeour, Sicella and Agnes Lawson, William and Margery Thomson, William Thompson, Margaret Edger, Robt Gurrey, Agnes Marshall, George Korrie, John and Gyles Duncan, Margareti Robertson, John, Robert and Marion Chalmers, Janett Cuningham, William, John and Agnes Dunlop, Alexr Wilson, Magdalen Hattmaker, Andrew Grantt, Alexr Lermont, David Allexander, John Campbell, Win Sharpe, David Heriott, Patrick Tait, John Wilkey, Patrick Symson, Thomas Sheerer, John Boyd, John Scouler, Alexr Thomson, Wm Toish, Robert Campbell, John Pollocke, Michael Marshall."

Remember that Robert Campbell and Michael Marshall are mentioned together several times in the Register of the Privy Council of Scotland and were specifically assigned to George Scot, not Lord Neil.

In any case, there is not much doubt that Robert Campbell, the grandfather of Joel (the subject of this blog), knew Lord Neil Campbell.  Perhaps Lord Neil did some favors for Robert and got him into the community at Newark in such a way that he could own land.  Was he the first in our Campbell line to own land?  All indications are that his fathers and brothers were tenant farmers in Scotland and never owned land.

Lord Neil did not stay in New Jersey very long.  He was in Scotland when Campbell lands were restored in 1689.  He died in Scotland in 1692.